BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Nominal Republican control of the Senate in the Seventieth Congress is assured by an eyelash margin. Final returns show that there will be 48 Republican Senators, 47 Democratic and 1 Farmer-Labor member. Even should Senator Shipstead, Farmer-Labor Senator from Minnesota, vote with the Democrats on organization - which he is not expected to do - Vice President Dawes would cast the deciding vote for the Republicans. Senate officers and Senate committee chairmanships appear safe for the Republicans.

The Senate has been a serious problem for the Republican administration ever since the elections of 1922, when the so-called progressive or insurgent bloc became strong enough to hold the balance of power. This bloc in the Seventieth Congress will be in a more strategic position than ever to block legislation desired by the administration, or to aid the Democrats in attacks on administration policies. Made Wary By Landslide. In 1923-24, the Democrats played ball with the insurgent Republican bloc in the Senate, but the result politically was scarcely what the Democrats hoped. The Republican landslide in the 1924 elections made them wary of hooking up with the insurgents in the last session of Congress. Instead of entering a combination with the insurgents to beat the Republican tax reduction bill or to amend it vitally, the Democrats this year stood largely with the regular Republicans.

Suggestion has been made in some quarters that the Democrats might hold up some of the appropriation bills during the coming short session, so as to force an extra session of the seventieth Congress soon after the final adjournment of the present Congress, March 4, 1927. The purpose of such tactics would be to embarrass the administration with reduction and tariff proposals, or to force action on farm relief legislation.

But the Republican regulars will still retain control of the House of Representatives, exclusive of the progressive bloc in that body, in the next Congress. As all tax and tariff proposals must originate in the House under the Constitution, there would be no chance of the Democrats starting anything along those lines, even in a special session if the next Congress should be forced. Farm Relief Different. Farm relief legislation, however, is a different matter. If Republicans from the West should join with the Democrats in large measure and could agree on a farm relief measure, they might make trouble.

In the next House the Republicans will have 240 seats, the returns now indicate.. Of these seats 10 or 12 will be held by insurgent Republicans from the Northwest, leaving a net regular Republican strength of 228 to 230. In the present House the Republicans have a total of 247 seats, including the insurgents. Their net loss in the next Congress, therefore, will be seven seats, if the 240 figure is final. As a majority of the House is 218. it appears that the Republican organization of the House will have a safe, though not a large, working majority.

Final returns in the senatorial elections show that the Republicans lost a total of seven seats. Weller was defeated in Maryland by Tydings, Democrat; Wadsworth was defeated in New York by Wagner, Democrat; Ernst was defeated in Kentucky by Barkley, Democrat; Williams was defeated in Missouri by Hawes, Democrat; Butler was defeated in Massachusettes by Walsh, Democrat; Cameron was defeated in Arizona by Hayden, Democrat, and Harreld was defeated in Oklahoma by Thomas, Democrat. Margin of G. O. P. Success Slim. In Oregon and Colorado, States which were considered doubtful up to last night, Republican candidates for the Senate were elected. Charles B. Waterman is the new Republican Senator from Colorado, defeating former Gov. Sweet, Democrat, and Frederick Steiwer is the successful senatorial candidate in Oregon, where Bert E. Haney, Democrat and former member of the United States Shipping Board, was his opponent.

The margin of Republican success was slim in both these States. In Oregon the situation had been badly complicated by the entrance of a second Republican candidate, Senator Stanfield, running as an independent. While both Senator "Jim" Watson and Senator Arthur R. Robinson, Republicans, were re-elected in Indiana, it was by a narrow margin. In the Watson election the margin of victory over Stump, youthful Democratic candidate, was only about 15,000 votes, the closest election in Hoosierdom for many years. The vote indicates that the charges of political corruption, linking up the Republican organization with a former Klan leader, D. C. Stephenson, now serving a life sentence for murder of an Indianapolis girl, were not without their effect. Problem in Vare and Smith. Should the new Senate refuse to permit the seating of Vare and Smith, successful in the Pennsylvania and Illinois elections, respectively, when that body meets next year, Republican control of the Senate might vanish, at least temporarily. Without Smith and Vare the Republicans would have only 46 Senators. However, if Shipstead voted with them on organization, the Democrats, having only 47 seats, would be tied, and the Vice President could cast the deciding vote for the Republicans.

The large Democratic membership in the next Senate and the presence of many Pregressive Republicans from the West who have denounced both Smith and Vare, makes the seating of either Vare or Smith a matter of grave doubt. If they are rejected (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.)

BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Nominal Republican control of the Senate in the Seventieth Congress is assured by an eyelash margin. Final returns show that there will be 48 Republican Senators, 47 Democratic and 1 Farmer-Labor member. Even should Senator Shipstead, Farmer-Labor Senator from Minnesota, vote with the Democrats on organization - which he is not expected to do - Vice President Dawes would cast the deciding vote for the Republicans. Senate officers and Senate committee chairmanships appear safe for the Republicans.

The Senate has been a serious problem for the Republican administration ever since the elections of 1922, when the so-called progressive or insurgent bloc became strong enough to hold the balance of power. This bloc in the Seventieth Congress will be in a more strategic position than ever to block legislation desired by the administration, or to aid the Democrats in attacks on administration policies. Made Wary By Landslide. In 1923-24, the Democrats played ball with the insurgent Republican bloc in the Senate, but the result politically was scarcely what the Democrats hoped. The Republican landslide in the 1924 elections made them wary of hooking up with the insurgents in the last session of Congress. Instead of entering a combination with the insurgents to beat the Republican tax reduction bill or to amend it vitally, the Democrats this year stood largely with the regular Republicans.

Suggestion has been made in some quarters that the Democrats might hold up some of the appropriation bills during the coming short session, so as to force an extra session of the seventieth Congress soon after the final adjournment of the present Congress, March 4, 1927. The purpose of such tactics would be to embarrass the administration with reduction and tariff proposals, or to force action on farm relief legislation.

But the Republican regulars will still retain control of the House of Representatives, exclusive of the progressive bloc in that body, in the next Congress. As all tax and tariff proposals must originate in the House under the Constitution, there would be no chance of the Democrats starting anything along those lines, even in a special session if the next Congress should be forced. Farm Relief Different. Farm relief legislation, however, is a different matter. If Republicans from the West should join with the Democrats in large measure and could agree on a farm relief measure, they might make trouble.

In the next House the Republicans will have 240 seats, the returns now indicate.. Of these seats 10 or 12 will be held by insurgent Republicans from the Northwest, leaving a net regular Republican strength of 228 to 230. In the present House the Republicans have a total of 247 seats, including the insurgents. Their net loss in the next Congress, therefore, will be seven seats, if the 240 figure is final. As a majority of the House is 218. it appears that the Republican organization of the House will have a safe, though not a large, working majority.

Final returns in the senatorial elections show that the Republicans lost a total of seven seats. Weller was defeated in Maryland by Tydings, Democrat; Wadsworth was defeated in New York by Wagner, Democrat; Ernst was defeated in Kentucky by Barkley, Democrat; Williams was defeated in Missouri by Hawes, Democrat; Butler was defeated in Massachusettes by Walsh, Democrat; Cameron was defeated in Arizona by Hayden, Democrat, and Harreld was defeated in Oklahoma by Thomas, Democrat. Margin of G. O. P. Success Slim. In Oregon and Colorado, States which were considered doubtful up to last night, Republican candidates for the Senate were elected. Charles B. Waterman is the new Republican Senator from Colorado, defeating former Gov. Sweet, Democrat, and Frederick Steiwer is the successful senatorial candidate in Oregon, where Bert E. Haney, Democrat and former member of the United States Shipping Board, was his opponent.

The margin of Republican success was slim in both these States. In Oregon the situation had been badly complicated by the entrance of a second Republican candidate, Senator Stanfield, running as an independent. While both Senator "Jim" Watson and Senator Arthur R. Robinson, Republicans, were re-elected in Indiana, it was by a narrow margin. In the Watson election the margin of victory over Stump, youthful Democratic candidate, was only about 15,000 votes, the closest election in Hoosierdom for many years. The vote indicates that the charges of political corruption, linking up the Republican organization with a former Klan leader, D. C. Stephenson, now serving a life sentence for murder of an Indianapolis girl, were not without their effect. Problem in Vare and Smith. Should the new Senate refuse to permit the seating of Vare and Smith, successful in the Pennsylvania and Illinois elections, respectively, when that body meets next year, Republican control of the Senate might vanish, at least temporarily. Without Smith and Vare the Republicans would have only 46 Senators. However, if Shipstead voted with them on organization, the Democrats, having only 47 seats, would be tied, and the Vice President could cast the deciding vote for the Republicans.

The large Democratic membership in the next Senate and the presence of many Pregressive Republicans from the West who have denounced both Smith and Vare, makes the seating of either Vare or Smith a matter of grave doubt. If they are rejected (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.)

BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Nominal Republican control of the Senate in the Seventieth Congress is assured by an eyelash margin. Final returns show that there will be 48 Republican Senators, 47 Democratic and 1 Farmer-Labor member. Even should Senator Shipstead, Farmer-Labor Senator from Minnesota, vote with the Democrats on organization - which he is not expected to do - Vice President Dawes would cast the deciding vote for the Republicans. Senate officers and Senate committee chairmanships appear safe for the Republicans.

The Senate has been a serious problem for the Republican administration ever since the elections of 1922, when the so-called progressive or insurgent bloc became strong enough to hold the balance of power. This bloc in the Seventieth Congress will be in a more strategic position than ever to block legislation desired by the administration, or to aid the Democrats in attacks on administration policies. Made Wary By Landslide. In 1923-24, the Democrats played ball with the insurgent Republican bloc in the Senate, but the result politically was scarcely what the Democrats hoped. The Republican landslide in the 1924 elections made them wary of hooking up with the insurgents in the last session of Congress. Instead of entering a combination with the insurgents to beat the Republican tax reduction bill or to amend it vitally, the Democrats this year stood largely with the regular Republicans.

Suggestion has been made in some quarters that the Democrats might hold up some of the appropriation bills during the coming short session, so as to force an extra session of the seventieth Congress soon after the final adjournment of the present Congress, March 4, 1927. The purpose of such tactics would be to embarrass the administration with reduction and tariff proposals, or to force action on farm relief legislation.

But the Republican regulars will still retain control of the House of Representatives, exclusive of the progressive bloc in that body, in the next Congress. As all tax and tariff proposals must originate in the House under the Constitution, there would be no chance of the Democrats starting anything along those lines, even in a special session if the next Congress should be forced. Farm Relief Different. Farm relief legislation, however, is a different matter. If Republicans from the West should join with the Democrats in large measure and could agree on a farm relief measure, they might make trouble.

In the next House the Republicans will have 240 seats, the returns now indicate.. Of these seats 10 or 12 will be held by insurgent Republicans from the Northwest, leaving a net regular Republican strength of 228 to 230. In the present House the Republicans have a total of 247 seats, including the insurgents. Their net loss in the next Congress, therefore, will be seven seats, if the 240 figure is final. As a majority of the House is 218. it appears that the Republican organization of the House will have a safe, though not a large, working majority.

Final returns in the senatorial elections show that the Republicans lost a total of seven seats. Weller was defeated in Maryland by Tydings, Democrat; Wadsworth was defeated in New York by Wagner, Democrat; Ernst was defeated in Kentucky by Barkley, Democrat; Williams was defeated in Missouri by Hawes, Democrat; Butler was defeated in Massachusettes by Walsh, Democrat; Cameron was defeated in Arizona by Hayden, Democrat, and Harreld was defeated in Oklahoma by Thomas, Democrat. Margin of G. O. P. Success Slim. In Oregon and Colorado, States which were considered doubtful up to last night, Republican candidates for the Senate were elected. Charles B. Waterman is the new Republican Senator from Colorado, defeating former Gov. Sweet, Democrat, and Frederick Steiwer is the successful senatorial candidate in Oregon, where Bert E. Haney, Democrat and former member of the United States Shipping Board, was his opponent.

The margin of Republican success was slim in both these States. In Oregon the situation had been badly complicated by the entrance of a second Republican candidate, Senator Stanfield, running as an independent. While both Senator "Jim" Watson and Senator Arthur R. Robinson, Republicans, were re-elected in Indiana, it was by a narrow margin. In the Watson election the margin of victory over Stump, youthful Democratic candidate, was only about 15,000 votes, the closest election in Hoosierdom for many years. The vote indicates that the charges of political corruption, linking up the Republican organization with a former Klan leader, D. C. Stephenson, now serving a life sentence for murder of an Indianapolis girl, were not without their effect. Problem in Vare and Smith. Should the new Senate refuse to permit the seating of Vare and Smith, successful in the Pennsylvania and Illinois elections, respectively, when that body meets next year, Republican control of the Senate might vanish, at least temporarily. Without Smith and Vare the Republicans would have only 46 Senators. However, if Shipstead voted with them on organization, the Democrats, having only 47 seats, would be tied, and the Vice President could cast the deciding vote for the Republicans.

The large Democratic membership in the next Senate and the presence of many Pregressive Republicans from the West who have denounced both Smith and Vare, makes the seating of either Vare or Smith a matter of grave doubt. If they are rejected (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.)

BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Nominal Republican control of the Senate in the Seventieth Congress is assured by an eyelash margin. Final returns show that there will be 48 Republican Senators, 47 Democratic and 1 Farmer-Labor member. Even should Senator Shipstead, Farmer-Labor Senator from Minnesota, vote with the Democrats on organization - which he is not expected to do - Vice President Dawes would cast the deciding vote for the Republicans. Senate officers and Senate committee chairmanships appear safe for the Republicans.

The Senate has been a serious problem for the Republican administration ever since the elections of 1922, when the so-called progressive or insurgent bloc became strong enough to hold the balance of power. This bloc in the Seventieth Congress will be in a more strategic position than ever to block legislation desired by the administration, or to aid the Democrats in attacks on administration policies. Made Wary By Landslide. In 1923-24, the Democrats played ball with the insurgent Republican bloc in the Senate, but the result politically was scarcely what the Democrats hoped. The Republican landslide in the 1924 elections made them wary of hooking up with the insurgents in the last session of Congress. Instead of entering a combination with the insurgents to beat the Republican tax reduction bill or to amend it vitally, the Democrats this year stood largely with the regular Republicans.

Suggestion has been made in some quarters that the Democrats might hold up some of the appropriation bills during the coming short session, so as to force an extra session of the seventieth Congress soon after the final adjournment of the present Congress, March 4, 1927. The purpose of such tactics would be to embarrass the administration with reduction and tariff proposals, or to force action on farm relief legislation.

But the Republican regulars will still retain control of the House of Representatives, exclusive of the progressive bloc in that body, in the next Congress. As all tax and tariff proposals must originate in the House under the Constitution, there would be no chance of the Democrats starting anything along those lines, even in a special session if the next Congress should be forced. Farm Relief Different. Farm relief legislation, however, is a different matter. If Republicans from the West should join with the Democrats in large measure and could agree on a farm relief measure, they might make trouble.

In the next House the Republicans will have 240 seats, the returns now indicate.. Of these seats 10 or 12 will be held by insurgent Republicans from the Northwest, leaving a net regular Republican strength of 228 to 230. In the present House the Republicans have a total of 247 seats, including the insurgents. Their net loss in the next Congress, therefore, will be seven seats, if the 240 figure is final. As a majority of the House is 218. it appears that the Republican organization of the House will have a safe, though not a large, working majority.

Final returns in the senatorial elections show that the Republicans lost a total of seven seats. Weller was defeated in Maryland by Tydings, Democrat; Wadsworth was defeated in New York by Wagner, Democrat; Ernst was defeated in Kentucky by Barkley, Democrat; Williams was defeated in Missouri by Hawes, Democrat; Butler was defeated in Massachusettes by Walsh, Democrat; Cameron was defeated in Arizona by Hayden, Democrat, and Harreld was defeated in Oklahoma by Thomas, Democrat. Margin of G. O. P. Success Slim. In Oregon and Colorado, States which were considered doubtful up to last night, Republican candidates for the Senate were elected. Charles B. Waterman is the new Republican Senator from Colorado, defeating former Gov. Sweet, Democrat, and Frederick Steiwer is the successful senatorial candidate in Oregon, where Bert E. Haney, Democrat and former member of the United States Shipping Board, was his opponent.

The margin of Republican success was slim in both these States. In Oregon the situation had been badly complicated by the entrance of a second Republican candidate, Senator Stanfield, running as an independent. While both Senator "Jim" Watson and Senator Arthur R. Robinson, Republicans, were re-elected in Indiana, it was by a narrow margin. In the Watson election the margin of victory over Stump, youthful Democratic candidate, was only about 15,000 votes, the closest election in Hoosierdom for many years. The vote indicates that the charges of political corruption, linking up the Republican organization with a former Klan leader, D. C. Stephenson, now serving a life sentence for murder of an Indianapolis girl, were not without their effect. Problem in Vare and Smith. Should the new Senate refuse to permit the seating of Vare and Smith, successful in the Pennsylvania and Illinois elections, respectively, when that body meets next year, Republican control of the Senate might vanish, at least temporarily. Without Smith and Vare the Republicans would have only 46 Senators. However, if Shipstead voted with them on organization, the Democrats, having only 47 seats, would be tied, and the Vice President could cast the deciding vote for the Republicans.

The large Democratic membership in the next Senate and the presence of many Pregressive Republicans from the West who have denounced both Smith and Vare, makes the seating of either Vare or Smith a matter of grave doubt. If they are rejected (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.)

BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Nominal Republican control of the Senate in the Seventieth Congress is assured by an eyelash margin. Final returns show that there will be 48 Republican Senators, 47 Democratic and 1 Farmer-Labor member. Even should Senator Shipstead, Farmer-Labor Senator from Minnesota, vote with the Democrats on organization - which he is not expected to do - Vice President Dawes would cast the deciding vote for the Republicans. Senate officers and Senate committee chairmanships appear safe for the Republicans.

The Senate has been a serious problem for the Republican administration ever since the elections of 1922, when the so-called progressive or insurgent bloc became strong enough to hold the balance of power. This bloc in the Seventieth Congress will be in a more strategic position than ever to block legislation desired by the administration, or to aid the Democrats in attacks on administration policies. Made Wary By Landslide. In 1923-24, the Democrats played ball with the insurgent Republican bloc in the Senate, but the result politically was scarcely what the Democrats hoped. The Republican landslide in the 1924 elections made them wary of hooking up with the insurgents in the last session of Congress. Instead of entering a combination with the insurgents to beat the Republican tax reduction bill or to amend it vitally, the Democrats this year stood largely with the regular Republicans.

Suggestion has been made in some quarters that the Democrats might hold up some of the appropriation bills during the coming short session, so as to force an extra session of the seventieth Congress soon after the final adjournment of the present Congress, March 4, 1927. The purpose of such tactics would be to embarrass the administration with reduction and tariff proposals, or to force action on farm relief legislation.

But the Republican regulars will still retain control of the House of Representatives, exclusive of the progressive bloc in that body, in the next Congress. As all tax and tariff proposals must originate in the House under the Constitution, there would be no chance of the Democrats starting anything along those lines, even in a special session if the next Congress should be forced. Farm Relief Different. Farm relief legislation, however, is a different matter. If Republicans from the West should join with the Democrats in large measure and could agree on a farm relief measure, they might make trouble.

In the next House the Republicans will have 240 seats, the returns now indicate.. Of these seats 10 or 12 will be held by insurgent Republicans from the Northwest, leaving a net regular Republican strength of 228 to 230. In the present House the Republicans have a total of 247 seats, including the insurgents. Their net loss in the next Congress, therefore, will be seven seats, if the 240 figure is final. As a majority of the House is 218. it appears that the Republican organization of the House will have a safe, though not a large, working majority.

Final returns in the senatorial elections show that the Republicans lost a total of seven seats. Weller was defeated in Maryland by Tydings, Democrat; Wadsworth was defeated in New York by Wagner, Democrat; Ernst was defeated in Kentucky by Barkley, Democrat; Williams was defeated in Missouri by Hawes, Democrat; Butler was defeated in Massachusettes by Walsh, Democrat; Cameron was defeated in Arizona by Hayden, Democrat, and Harreld was defeated in Oklahoma by Thomas, Democrat. Margin of G. O. P. Success Slim. In Oregon and Colorado, States which were considered doubtful up to last night, Republican candidates for the Senate were elected. Charles B. Waterman is the new Republican Senator from Colorado, defeating former Gov. Sweet, Democrat, and Frederick Steiwer is the successful senatorial candidate in Oregon, where Bert E. Haney, Democrat and former member of the United States Shipping Board, was his opponent.

The margin of Republican success was slim in both these States. In Oregon the situation had been badly complicated by the entrance of a second Republican candidate, Senator Stanfield, running as an independent. While both Senator "Jim" Watson and Senator Arthur R. Robinson, Republicans, were re-elected in Indiana, it was by a narrow margin. In the Watson election the margin of victory over Stump, youthful Democratic candidate, was only about 15,000 votes, the closest election in Hoosierdom for many years. The vote indicates that the charges of political corruption, linking up the Republican organization with a former Klan leader, D. C. Stephenson, now serving a life sentence for murder of an Indianapolis girl, were not without their effect. Problem in Vare and Smith. Should the new Senate refuse to permit the seating of Vare and Smith, successful in the Pennsylvania and Illinois elections, respectively, when that body meets next year, Republican control of the Senate might vanish, at least temporarily. Without Smith and Vare the Republicans would have only 46 Senators. However, if Shipstead voted with them on organization, the Democrats, having only 47 seats, would be tied, and the Vice President could cast the deciding vote for the Republicans.

The large Democratic membership in the next Senate and the presence of many Pregressive Republicans from the West who have denounced both Smith and Vare, makes the seating of either Vare or Smith a matter of grave doubt. If they are rejected (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.)